Tag Archives: foreign policy

Bringing down Serbia’s dictator, 10 years later

8 Oct

A conversation with Srdja Popovic

by Eric Stoner and Bryan Farrell

October 5, 2010

Waging NonviolenceTruthout, Yes! Magazine, The Indypendent

Ten years ago, on October 5, 2000, hundreds of thousands of Serbian protesters descended on the streets of Belgrade and pushed past the indifferent security forces to seize control of the Parliament building, effectively ending the dictatorship of Slobodan Milosovic. It was the final act of a two-year nonviolent struggle led by the youth movement known as Otpor, or “Resistance,” whose iconic clenched-fist led the way toward free elections and newfound democracy.

One of the leaders of this movement was 27-year-old Srdja Popovic, who after Milosevic’s overthrow was elected to the Serbian Parliament. In 2004, Popovic left politics to found the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS) in Belgrade, an organization that has trained activists in dozens of countries around the world – from those involved in the successful pro-democracy movements in Ukraine and the Maldives to the ongoing struggles in Burma and Iran.

We recently had the opportunity to sit down with Popovic and ask him about the role that humor played in the struggle against Milosevic, how they were able to win over his feared security forces and the ways in which Otpor lives on today.

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Schock fighting against freedom in Honduras

18 Oct

October 18, 2009

Peoria Journal Star

casa-presidencial_-senadores-republicanos-llegan-a-honduras-para-reunirse-con-presidente-micheletti_noticia_encabezado

After traveling to Honduras earlier this month to show his support for the June 28 military coup, Congressman Aaron Schock ironically spoke of his concern for democracy and “the will of the Honduras people.”

The ousted President Manuel Zelaya, however, is the democratically elected leader who – with the support of the tiny Honduran elite – was forcefully removed from power by the military. And despite the massive propaganda campaign against Zelaya, his popularity hasn’t changed. According to a poll that was just released, only 17.4 percent of Hondurans support the coup and a majority still favor Zelaya’s return to power.

While the State Department and the White House view the matter differently, Schock continues to argue that Zelaya was illegally attempting to change the constitution so that he could run for another term, thereby making the coup perfectly legal and constitutional. The truth is another matter.

While President Zelaya did call for a non-binding referendum on whether the public would support rewriting the 1982 constitution – which has already been rewritten 16 times – such action was apparently perfectly legal under the 2006 Honduran Civil Participation Act. Moreover, Zelaya repeatedly said that any changes made by the constitutional assembly, including allowing a second presidential term, wouldn’t apply to him, since his term ends in January.

The real reason that Honduran soldiers stormed the presidential palace in the middle of the night and flew Zelaya at gunpoint to Costa Rica was because of opposition by the wealthy beneficiaries of the status quo to his redistributive policies – such as raising the minimum wage, subsidizing public transit and providing free school lunches and pensions for the elderly – that began to address the massive inequalities and desperate poverty in the third poorest country in the hemisphere.

Since taking power, the coup government of Roberto Micheletti has closed down critical media outlets, blocked access to international news sources like CNN, and regularly beaten, arrested and killed courageous, peaceful protesters calling for a return to democracy and the rule of law.

Schock’s embarrassing stance on Honduras only adds to the rich, sordid history of politicians from both sides of the aisle backing military dictatorships and repressive regimes that are seen as beneficial to our “economic interests,” while paying lip service to democracy, human rights and freedom.

Guards Gone Wild

4 Sep

September 4, 2009

The Guardian, ZNet

armorgroup_3The release of the extensive investigation by the Project on Government Oversight on Tuesday depicting a “Lord of the Flies” environment among mercenaries in Afghanistan, should only sour the American public further on a war that the majority rightfully no longer believe is worth fighting.

According to interviews and emails with more than a dozen guards from ArmorGroup North America – which holds a five-year $189m contract to protect the US embassy in Kabul – approximately 30 supervisors and guards working for the company “are engaging in near-weekly deviant hazing and humiliation of subordinates” that has led to “complete distrust of leadership and a breakdown of the chain of command, compromising security”.

In one email, a current ArmorGroup guard describes scenes where his colleagues are “peeing on people, eating potato chips out of [buttock] cracks, vodka shots out of [buttock] cracks (there is video of that one), broken doors after drnken [sic] brawls, threats and intimidation from those leaders participating in this activity”.

In another incident, an Afghan food-service worker at Camp Sullivan, a base a few miles from the embassy where the mercenaries are quartered, claims that a “supervisor and four others entered a dining facility on August 1, 2009, wearing only short underwear and brandishing bottles of alcohol. Upon leaving the facility, the guard force supervisor allegedly grabbed the Afghan national by the face and began abusing him with foul language.”

Witnesses allege that the highest echelons of ArmorGroup’s management in Afghanistan have not only condoned these twisted activities, but engage in them, and that “those who declined to participate [are] often ridiculed, humiliated, demoted or even fired”.

While these revelations are shocking, they are only the tip of the iceberg. Over the last two years, the US state department has repeatedly warned ArmorGroup about its numerous contract violations and chronic lack of manpower in Afghanistan, which according to one contracting official has put the embassy’s security “in jeopardy”.

The Project on Government Oversight’s 10-page letter to secretary of state Hillary Clinton also notes, among a host of other problems, that most of the 300 Indian and Nepali Gurkhas working for ArmorGroup in Kabul cannot speak adequate English, which forces “non-English-speakers and English-speakers … to use pantomime in order to convey orders or instructions.” In addition, a lawsuit filed by two former guard supervisors says the firm “knowingly and repeatedly provided substandard equipment and services” in order to maximise profits.

At a Senate hearing on waste, fraud and abuse by ArmorGroup in June, senator Claire McCaskill asked in exasperation: “Is this the best we can do?” It doesn’t take a particularly wild imagination to dream up ways that the $8,000-a-month salary that American, Canadian and British ArmorGroup guards are paid could be better spent.

Nevertheless, ArmorGroup’s contract was renewed yet again the following month, revealing just how utterly dependent the US is on mercenary forces to keep its wars afloat.

As of 30 June, there were nearly 74,000 military contractors – including 5,165 armed private security guards – in Afghanistan, far outnumbering the roughly 58,000 US troops in the country. While it’d be next to impossible for President Barack Obama to rid the occupation of contractors altogether, it would not be difficult for him to replace the entire mercenary force (which is about the equivalent of one brigade) with US soldiers.

Given the never-ending scandals involving armed contractors, why then has the administration not taken this seemingly logical step? The answer points to one of the most alluring attractions of privatised war: It gives those in power an easy way to circumvent traditional democratic processes. They can escalate war under the radar with far less interference from the public.

Hiring additional contractors in Afghanistan – the vast majority of whom are local nationals or citizens from other poor countries – simply doesn’t generate the headlines that sending more US troops does. Moreover, contractor deaths are not counted in any official tally of casualties, which ultimately serves to slow the growth of public opposition to the war.

Despite these unspoken benefits of privatisation, out-of-control contractors could still become more hassle than they are worth to the administration. Perhaps this latest scandal will open America’s eyes to the fact that mercenaries – much like the war itself – are detrimental to the security and image of the US abroad.

How Does Remote-Controlled Technology Change War?

28 Apr

April 28, 2009

KALW 91.7 FM

kalw-cityToday, I was on “Your Call,” an hour-long call-in program on KALW 91.7 FM, the local Public Radio station in San Francisco, to talk about the impact of drones and robotics on war. To listen to show, click here. Hope you enjoy!

No Mercy for Mercenaries

28 Feb

Blackwater – er, Xe – has been kicked out of Iraq. Now the other private security contractors should be banned as well.

February 17, 2009

The Guardian, Huffington Post, Common Dreams, ZNet

After raking in more than a billion dollars from its contracts in Iraq, Blackwater is finally being forced to leave the country that it has terrorised for so long. But the notorious mercenary firm’s departure will likely have more symbolic significance than any real impact on the day-to-day lives of Iraqis.

First, only Blackwater as a corporate entity – which just changed its name to Xe in an effort to shake its bad reputation – is being given the boot. Iraqi officials have said that its operatives will be allowed to stay in the country by switching companies, as long as they have clean records. While this sounds reasonable, making that determination will be next to impossible. According to US officials and the contractors themselves, the actual number of shootings in Iraq by private military companies is far higher than is publicly acknowledged and they are rarely reported by the individuals involved.

Second, Blackwater never was a lone bad apple. The entire mercenary industry is rotten and needs to be discarded. Consider Dyncorp and Triple Canopy, the two mercenary outfits that will be filling the hole left by Blackwater. In 1999, for example, Dyncorp employees were implicated in a sex ring in Bosnia that involved the trafficking of women and children as young as 12 years old. When whistleblowers came forward to expose these heinous crimes, they were promptly fired.

And there is no sign that firm has cleaned up its act in Iraq and Afghanistan. The US state department has repeatedly rebuked Dyncorp for being unprofessional and “too aggressive”. In one embarrassing incident, a BBC correspondent actually saw a guard from the company slap the Afghan transport minister.

By comparison, Triple Canopy is a relative newcomer to the mercenary business. With hopes of cashing in on the most privatised war in history, the company was founded immediately after the invasion of Iraq by three US special forces veterans. According to a report from the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service (pdf), Triple Canopy relies far more heavily on so-called “third-country nationals” to cushion its bottom line than either Dyncorp or Blackwater. Paid only $33 a day, these hired guns come largely from developing countries – especially those in Latin America – that have histories of human rights abuses.

Much like Blackwater, Triple Canopy was involved in one of the most infamous shooting sprees of the war in Iraq. On 8 July 2006 – after remarking “I want to kill somebody today” – a heavily armed Triple Canopy guard in Iraq reportedly shot multiple rounds into the windshield of an unthreatening pickup truck and later a taxi for amusement.

Many argue, including President Barack Obama, that these mercenaries can be reined in through the creation of a legal framework that can hold them accountable for any wrongdoing. The notion, however, that these hired guns – who number in the tens of thousands and are often better armed than US soldiers – can somehow be effectively monitored and brought to justice in the middle of a war zone is pure fantasy.

The only real solution to this mess is for either Iraq or the US to ban armed contractors altogether. The Stop Outsourcing Security Act would accomplish this by mandating “that all diplomatic security in Iraq be undertaken by US government personnel within six months of enactment.” The legislation also states that “the use of private military contractors for mission critical functions” in all conflict zones where the US is active must be phased out over a longer timeline.

Hillary Clinton offered a glimmer of hope when she endorsed this bill during her campaign for the presidency. But as Obama’s secretary of state, she has quickly abandoned her commitment to “show these contractors the door”. Unfortunately for Iraqis, it looks like the mercenary industry will have little to fear from the new administration.

Beyond the Lesser of Two Evils

28 Feb

October 31, 2008

Huffington Post

jonik-votewolf1Those skeptical of voting – at least for either major party – are invariably confronted with some version of the “lesser of two evils” argument. It’s usually the last line of defense for Democrats, after they concede that their party has a long way to go on many of the issues that matter most to Americans. Indeed, whether it’s the economy, health care or the war, polls show that the policies of both parties are considerably to the right of public opinion, and have been so for a long time. This disconnect between the will of the people and their so-called representatives is evidence of a failing democracy.

Nevertheless, there is no denying that there are differences between the two major parties. Democrats would in all likelihood be slightly better on certain domestic issues than their Republican counterparts. Even Noam Chomsky and Howard Zinn, who generally critique the deep systemic nature of our problems, have admitted as much in recent interviews. On issues such as foreign policy, however, both parties are virtually identical. Any honest look at our history would admit that the Democrats have been just as avid – if slightly more subtle and sophisticated – in their support of war and empire as the Republicans. To take just a brief look at their record:

• A Democrat initiated US military involvement in World War I, World War II, the Korean War, Vietnam and the Balkans.
• Only a Democrat has ever dropped an atomic bomb on innocent civilians.
• During the 2000 campaign for the White House, Al Gore’s proposed increase for the military budget over the next 10 years was more than double what Bush was proposing at the time.
• Apart from the courageous Rep. Barbara Lee, Democrats unanimously voted for the
never-ending “War on Terror.”
• The subsequent invasion of Iraq could not have been pulled off without the support of key Democrats, such as Sen. Joe Biden.
• Since being swept to power in both Houses of Congress by a wave of antiwar sentiment nearly two years ago, Democrats have done nothing to end the war in Iraq.

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Voting is a Cop-out

28 Feb

October 27, 2008 issue

Indypendent, and a longer version on the Huffington Post

n1076624700_169387_2955“If you don’t vote, then you can’t complain.” So goes a refrain that is reflexively regurgitated to anyone who questions the efficacy of voting. Generally it’s accompanied by a smug look, indicating that in their eyes you’re hopelessly out of touch with reality. But after cutting through the hype, are elections really worth the enormous amount of attention, energy and money they consume?

In explaining why he stayed home on election day, comedian George Carlin flipped this dictum on its head. “I believe that if you vote, you have no right to complain,” he argued. “If you vote, and you elect dishonest, incompetent people, and they get into office and screw everything up, well you are responsible for what they have done. You caused the problem. You voted them in. You have no right to complain.”

And Carlin wasn’t merely directing his ire towards Republicans. “This country was bought and sold and paid for a long time ago,” he acknowledged with disgust. “The shit they shuffle around every four years doesn’t mean a fucking thing.”

That may be a bit overstated, but the idea that pulling a lever every few years is actually going to bring about real change is delusional. How exactly is this supposed to happen, when the corporate media and wealthy campaign contributors filter out any candidate who may rock the boat long before the public is ever asked for its opinion? Just look at what has become of Ralph Nader, Dennis Kucinich and John Edwards for challenging the status quo. Despite espousing views on numerous issues that polls show are far more in line with public sentiment than either major party candidate, they are branded as out of touch. The media ridicules — or more often, simply excludes and ignores — them until they are forgotten. Out of sight, out of mind.

In contrast, Barack Obama has made it clear that he would not ruffle any feathers. To take just one example of his orthodoxy, when asked September 7, on ABC’s “This Week” which issues he would break with his own party on, he replied, “I’ve said that we need to increase the size of our military.” Apart from the fact that cutting military spending isn’t even a position held by his party, Obama’s response implicitly approves of the Pentagon’s already enormous baseline budget, which has increased by more than 60 percent since 2001, not including the more than $800 billion that has been wasted on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Therefore, he could slash $200 billion a year from the Department of Defense and it would merely bring military spending back to where it was under the Clinton Administration. Moreover, such a belligerent position is not even in line with public opinion, as a recent poll showed that 43 percent of Americans thought we spent “too much” on the military, while only 20 percent said “too little.”

Thus, while the predictable drama around the nefarious schemes used to exclude voters unfolds, few note that the system was effectively rigged from the start. No matter who wins, a friend of the corporate interests that actually run this country will be installed in the White House. And everyday folks will once again be fleeced by an election — and a political system — that remains little more than theater.

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Outsourcing the Iraq War: Mercenary Recruiters Turn to Latin America

28 Feb

July/August 2008 issue

NACLA Report on the Americas, Innsikt (Norway), Common Dreams, ZNet

iraq_peruanos1In October, Erik Prince, the 39-year-old CEO of Blackwater Worldwide, a leading private security company operating in Iraq, went into damage-control mode. Blackwater employees in Baghdad’s Nisour Square had killed 17 Iraqi civilians the previous month, causing an uproar and the suspension of official diplomatic convoys throughout the country for four days. Making the rounds with the media and testifying before Congress, Prince repeatedly said that his employees are not mercenaries, as critics contend. Citing the definition of a mercenary as “a professional soldier working for a foreign government,” Prince told the House Oversight Committee that in contrast, Blackwater’s employees are “Americans working for America, protecting Americans.”

This statement would come as a surprise—and a slap in the face—to the thousands of Latin Americans and others from outside the United States whom the company has hired to fill its contracts in Iraq since the war began. Greystone Limited, a Blackwater affiliate set up in 2004 in the tax haven of Barbados, has recruited Iraq security guards from countries throughout Latin America, including Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, El Salvador, Honduras, and Panama, as journalist Jeremy Scahill has reported.

But Blackwater is far from the only such company hiring “third-country nationals,” or employees who are not from the United States or Iraq. In the interest of improving profit margins, private military firms in Iraq are increasingly turning to the developing world for armed guards. Peter Singer, a leading expert on the private security industry at the Brookings Institution, has estimated that there are citizens from 30 countries employed as security contractors in Iraq. While ex-soldiers from the Balkans, Fiji, Nepal, the Philippines, South Africa, and Uganda are all common in Iraq, Latin America has proven to be a particularly fertile recruiting ground for these companies.

Latin America, says Adam Isacson, director of programs at the Center for International Policy, is a predictable site for U.S. mercenary companies to recruit personnel. In “what other region of the world are you going to find reasonably westernized people with military experience, in some cases with combat experience, who will work for low wages, who speak a language that a lot of our own military personnel speak,” he asks, noting that the U.S. Army is about a quarter Latino and that Latin America accounts for about 40% of U.S. military training programs worldwide. “It’s their natural ground to find people with military experience for whom $1,000 a month is a lot of money.”

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Fear and Loathing on the Jersey Shore

28 Feb

by Eric Stoner and Bryan Farrell

August 20, 2007

Huffington Post, Yahoo! News

shootblManhattan’s cosmopolitan atmosphere has a way of making people forget what life is like for the rest of America. Coffee shops, book stores and night life are all tailored to meet the needs of even the most niche-oriented individual. But back on the mainland, a different, more monolithic — and at times scary — culture seems to prevail, as we discovered on a recent get-away to the Jersey Shore.

On our way to check out Seaside Heights’ notoriously sketchy boardwalk and have our fill of zeppoles, we pulled up behind an old pick-up truck. Plastered on its rear bumper was a sticker that read: “I love the sound of jet noise. It’s the sound of freedom.”

Reminiscent of the famous quote from Apocalypse Now, when the deranged Robert Duvall exclaims, “I love the smell of napalm in the morning,” this sticker was the first of many glaring signs that we had entered another world, influenced — like much of America — by the presence of a nearby military base.

Displaying such a statement reveals not only an ignorance about what U.S. military might is used for — namely the promotion of our economic interests abroad — but also a complete lack of empathy for those who have the bad fortune of finding themselves underneath our bombers. Most likely, the sound of our “jet noise” does not conjure happy thoughts of freedom for Iraqis, but rather a sense of abject terror that a stray bomb could land in their living room.

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Islam Karimov: Uzbeki Dictator, U.S. Ally

27 Feb

Winter 2005

Nonviolent Activist, World War 4 Report

karimov-bush-ap02“He may be a son of a bitch,” a U.S. president is said to have commented about one brutal dictator or another, “but he’s our son of a bitch.” The fact that on the worldwide web the line is attributed to no fewer than five presidents, from Teddy Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan, speaks volumes about 20th-century U.S. foreign policy.

Over the last decade, a new dictator, Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan, has taken the “our son of a bitch” place. U.S. support for this Central Asian tyrant suggests a degree of hypocrisy in a foreign policy that claims democracy, freedom and human rights as its core values. It also invites serious backlash against the United States in the future and has led to immense suffering for the Uzbek people now.

In the heart of Central Asia, due west of the oil- and natural gas-rich Caspian Sea and directly north of Afghanistan, the former Soviet republic of Uzbekistan has gained significant strategic importance to the United States in recent years. It is a land with a long and rich history, home to several ancient cities that were once important stops on the famous Silk Road connecting Europe and Asia.

Islam has flourished there since its introduction to the country in the seventh century. Now, nearly 90 percent of Uzbekistan’s 26 million citizens are Muslim. And with such a large population – almost 50 percent of Central Asia’s total – Uzbekistan has become the region’s major power.

The new nation’s recent history has been turbulent. As is the case in many struggling countries, a wealth of natural resources has not translated into prosperity for the majority of the population. In fact, Uzbekistan is one of the poorest of the former Soviet republics, with nearly 80 percent of the population living in poverty, according to Andrew Stroehlien of the International Crisis Group. Uzbekistan can also claim to have the most repressive regime of the former Soviet Union, with the possible exception of Turkmenistan.

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